Testimony of Bradley M. Campbell
Commissioner, New Jersey Department of Environmental
Protection
Before the Senate Environment and Public Works
Committee
April 8, 2003
Concerning
S.485, the Clear Skies Act of 2003
Good
afternoon. My name is Brad
Campbell. I am Commissioner of the New
Jersey Department of Environmental Protection.
I speak today for the eight Northeast states that make up the Northeast
States for Coordinated Air Use Management (NESCAUM). I understand that many of the views I will offer are also shared
by the states of the larger Ozone Transport Commission. I appreciate the opportunity to testify
before the Committee today to present a Northeast states' perspective on the
critically important issue of federal action to reduce power plant pollution.
I
want to begin by emphasizing that the Northeast States strongly support efforts
to enact multi-pollutant legislation, and have so testified before this
Committee in the past. We applaud the
Administration and this Committee for making passage of such legislation a
priority for the 108th Congress.
It has been over a decade since the last Clean Air Act Amendments, and
the time has clearly come for a new national policy to address the broad array
of public health risks and environmental harms caused by power plant
emissions.
In
the Northeast, where sulfur dioxide and nitrogen oxides emissions from upwind
power plants contribute significantly to problems ranging from fine particle
and ozone pollution to acid rain, eutrophication of surface waters, and poor
visibility in our parks and wilderness areas, we have long appreciated the need
for concerted federal action. With
mercury contamination necessitating fish consumption advisories for most of our
lakes and rivers, we see an urgent need for new measures to curb the continued
buildup of this persistent, potent neurotoxin in our environment. And we see the problem of climate change as
presenting unprecedented challenges for our ecosystems and quality of life, but
also great economic opportunity for those who develop and provide the clean
energy technologies of the future.
For
all of these reasons, the Northeast States have followed with keen interest the
development of several multi-pollutant initiatives now before Congress,
including the Administration's "Clear Skies" proposal. In evaluating each initiative, we have asked
three core questions:
Is it comprehensive?
Is it adequate to address the significant
public health and environmental challenges we face?
Does it strengthen our ability to ensure
continued clean air progress, not only at the national level, but also at the
local, state and regional levels?
Recognizing
Clear Skies as a starting point for the Committee's deliberations, I want to
focus my remarks today on where and how we believe Clear Skies needs to be
improved to meet these tests.
First,
emissions reductions can and must happen sooner. As you know, many areas of the country need to attain new, more
stringent health-based federal standards for ozone and fine particles in the
next 4-7 years. Yet the emissions caps
in Clear Skies won't be fully implemented until 2018. Delaying necessary cuts for another 15 years is problematic for
states trying to reach attainment, but it's even more problematic for the tens
of thousands of people who experience serious health effects associated with
unnecessarily high levels of fine particle and ozone pollution.
Second,
we can and must do more to reduce mercury emissions. Given the persistent,
bioaccumulative threat posed by this neurotoxin and the availability of highly
effective control technologies, power plant mercury emissions should be capped
at levels at least 50% lower than the 15 ton figure proposed in Clear Skies.
Third,
national multi-pollutant legislation must address the intractable problem of
interstate pollution transport in a concrete and effective manner, and must not
weaken or remove crucial regulatory tools that States rely on to improve air
quality at the local, state, and regional levels.
Clear
Skies offers no guarantee that long-standing regional transport concerns will
be solved under a new national emissions trading program, yet states would be
prohibited from petitioning for federal action to address transport until after
2012. Even then, the new hurdles Clear Skies
establishes for federal intervention would make the current transport
provisions of the Clean Air Act practically unenforceable.
States
support constructive reform of the Clean Air Act, provided it genuinely
advances our clean air objectives and is strictly tied to the actual
implementation of new reduction requirements.
Clear Skies appears to go too far in the name of regulatory reform,
however, proposing to substantially weaken or even eliminate several provisions
of the current Clean Air Act. A list of
several such concerns - including New Source Review, regulation of non-mercury
toxins, potential local impacts, and protection of states' rights - is attached
to my written testimony. The bottom line is that when it comes to
protecting public health, it is far better to have too many tools and not need
some than to have too few tools and come up short regarding our citizens'
quality of life.
The
final issue I want to address is carbon dioxide. We believe it belongs in multi-pollutant legislation because
without it, the market signals and business certainty needed to promote sound
long-term resource choices and investment decisions by the electric power
industry will remain absent. The
inevitable long-term result is greater climate risk - and higher costs - for
both industry and consumers. The
Northeast States feel so strongly about the need to act on climate change that
many have made state-level commitments to reduce greenhouse gas emissions
and/or have included carbon in their own, more aggressive 4-pollutant
initiatives. The several such efforts
already in effect show that the Northeast states are willing to lead by
example, but as downwind states, we can't do it all by ourselves.
In
short, we support multi-pollutant legislation that cost-effectively does both
more and less than Clear Skies proposes.
More - and sooner - in terms of pollution reductions; less in terms of
changing the Clean Air Act.
This
is precisely how the "Straw Proposal" that EPA originally drafted as
the Administration's multi-pollutant initiative could be described. The Straw Proposal called for emissions
reductions closer to 85% (compared to Clear Skies' 70%) and, importantly, for
reductions to be fully implemented by 2010-12.
Moreover, EPA's own analysis showed that the health benefits of this
substantially more aggressive approach far outweighed its costs. EPA's analysis showed that implementing the
Straw Proposal would cost $3.5 billion more than Clear Skies in 2020, but it
would produce $59 billion in additional health benefits. We urge the Committee to re-visit EPA's
Straw Proposal and other current legislative alternatives that go further
toward capturing these benefits.
In
closing, let me thank you for considering our views and again commend the
Administration for pushing forward on multi-pollutant legislation. The issues are complex, and the debate will
no doubt be intense. But the Northeast
states look forward to playing a constructive role, and we hope all sides can
agree that the opportunity and need for real progress on these issues is as
great as the public health, environmental and energy challenges we face are
daunting.
Technical Concerns of the
Northeast States Regarding S.485, the Clear Skies Act of 2003
•
Clear Skies
diminishes or repeals entirely some of States' most important tools for
achieving federal, health-based air quality standards:
•
New Source
Review (NSR)
•
The utility
Maximum Achievable Control Technology (MACT) rule as it applies to hazardous
air pollutants (HAPs) other than mercury
•
Residual risk
requirements for mercury
•
Lowest
Achievable Emission Rate (LAER) and offset requirements and conformity for most
areas of the country
•
Use of Section
126 until 2012, and only then under a higher burden of proof
•
Some Prevention
of Significant Deterioration (PSD) requirements
•
Protection of
visibility in Class I airsheds.
•
Clear Skies
appears to undermine, if not preempt entirely, state and local authority to adopt
and to take State Implementation Plan (SIP) credit for more stringent
requirements for power plants.
•
Clear Skies
provides no protections against adverse local health and environmental impacts
that could arise, and does not require even a minimum level of control at each
power plant.
•
Regulatory
relief under Clear Skies is provided expeditiously, but corresponding emission
reduction requirements are delayed for years - a serious unbalancing of these
dual policy objectives.
•
Clear Skies'
approach to allocating allowances appears to continue the practice of rewarding
past high emitters, rather than encouraging economic efficiency through
output-based allocation approaches and/or approaches that reward combined heat
and power (CHP) applications.